Zechariah 9-14 and the Continuation of Zechariah during the Ptolemaic Period

s. The journal is archived by Library and Archives Canada and is accessible for consultation and research at the Electronic Collection site maintained by Library and Archives Canada. ISSN 1203–1542 http://www.jhsonline.org and http://purl.org/jhs Volume 13, Article 9 DOI:10.5508/jhs.2013.v13.a9 Zechariah 9-14 and the Continuation of Zechariah during the Ptolemaic Period

3 H.Wenzel, Reading Zechariah with Zechariah 1:1-6 as the Introduction of the Entire Book (CBET, 59; Leuven/Paris/Walpole: Peeters, 2011), 178-204.Although H. Wenzel, on the basis of a Bakhtinian dialogical reading, brings interesting insights for the interpretation of the book of Zechariah as a whole, his solution to the question-attributing all of the book to the prophet Zechariah-overlooks diachronic issues (see in particular 201-204), especially given the evidences that ancient texts, prophetic texts in particular, were often modified and amplified during their scribal transmission (e.g., the differences between the ancient versions of Jeremiah and Ezekiel; see footnote no.66).The use of the literary theory developed by M. Bakhtin for the study of modern texts, such as novels, can indeed be relevant for the study of prophetic literature, but the differences between modern and ancient texts, especially the way they are produced, should not be overlooked. 4As M. H. Floyd indicates, "It is odd that no recent commentaries have attempted to grasp either the ideational concept or the sociohistorical context forming the matrix of the book [of Zechariah] as a whole, particularly in view of the way in which commentators have come to approach 9-14" ("Zechariah and Changing Views of Second Temple Judaism in Recent Commentaries," RelSRev 25 [1999], 257-263 [262]).See in particular W. Rudolph, Haggai, Sacharja 1-8, Sacharja 9-14, Maleachi (KAT, 13/4;  Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1976); A. Lacocque, Zacharie 9-14 (2d ed.; CAT, 11c; Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1988); C. L. Meyers and E. M. Meyers, Zechariah 9-14 (AB, 25C; New York: Doubleday, 1993); D. L. Petersen, Zechariah 9-14 and Malachi.A  Commentary (OTL; London: SCM Press, 1995); Willi-Plein, Haggai, Sacharja, Maleachi; P. L. Redditt, Zechariah 9-14 (IECOT; Stuttgart:  Kohlhammer, 2012).
During the last two decades we have witnessed a growing interest in the interpretation of Zechariah as a whole.However, arguments in favor of the book's unity have proven detrimental to the diachronic approach, as they tend to erase any distinction between Zech 1-8 and Zech 9-14's origins. 5Such a distinction constitutes one of the main results of the diachronic approach concerning the book of Zechariah.While this article examines the internal continuity of Zechariah, it seeks to balance the recent literary studies by adopting a diachronic and historical perspective.Its originality lies in its explanation of why the book of Zechariah was expanded with chs.9-14, based on a sociohistorical reading of these chapters within the context of the Ptolemaic period.Due to the complexity of the text, few scholars read Zech 9-14 from a sociohistorical perspective, and even fewer with the Ptolemaic period in mind. 6However, as I will argue, the many particularities of Zech 9-14 vis-à-vis Zech 1-8 and prophetic literature more broadly are best explained in the light of this sociohistorical context.
Since there is no scholarly consensus concerning the interpretation of Zech 9-14, I will use the first part of this article to establish a general framework for reading these chapters.This framework will enable me to provide in the second part reasons for the expansion of the book of Zechariah based on a sociohistorical reading of three main themes in Zech 9-14; namely, the war of Jerusalem against the nations, the judgment of shepherds and the end of YHWH's prophets.This analysis will ultimately point to the transition from Persian to Hellenistic domination as the main historical factor behind the development of these themes within the book of Zechariah.This transition is complex and the material culture does not indicate a rupture between the Persian and the Ptolemaic periods. 7Nonetheless, I will argue that certain 5 See in particular E. H. Merrill, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi.An  Exegetical Commentary (Biblical Studies Press, 2003)  Reading Zechariah, For instance, Curtis reads Zech 9-14 in the sociohistorical context of the early Persian period (Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road,  esp.231-280), whereas J. Nogalski, who maintains a Hellenistic date for Zech 9-14, explains the expansion of Zech 1-8 with Zech 9-14 only on literary grounds: the function of Zech 9-14 (initially Zech 9-11) is to smooth the transition between Zech 1-8 and Malachi (Redactional Processes, 213-247). Foyd is one of few scholars who offers a reading of Zech 9-14 in the social context of the early Hellenistic period (M.H. Floyd, Minor Prophets.Part 2 [FOTL, 22;  Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000], 303-317 and 440-558 [esp.313-317, 452-457, 508-514]).7 See in particular, O. Lipschits, "Persian-Period Judah: A New Perspective," in L. Jonker (ed.), Texts, Contexts and Readings in Postexilic particular, not only is the chief structuring marker of Zech 1-8, namely, the chronological notes referring to the reign of the Persian ruler (Zech 1:1, 7; 7:1), absent from Zech 9-14, but also these chapters are organized by other headings in Zech 9:1 and 12:1 (see below) based on the term ‫משא‬ (often translated as "oracle" or "utterance"), which do not appear in Zech 1-8.Also noteworthy is the linguistic dissimilarity between Zech 1-8 and Zech 9-14, which is supported by statistical analysis.1 3 F 14 For instance, the prophetic-word formulas ‫יהוה‬ ‫אמר‬ ‫כה‬ and ‫יהוה‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫ויהי‬ (with or without ‫,)צבאות‬ both of which are prominent in Zech 1-8, disappear in Zech 9-14 (with the exception of Zech 11:4).They are replaced by expressions such as ‫ההוא‬ ‫ביום‬ (found sixteen times in Zech 12-14 versus three times in Zech 1-8).Poetic style appears suddenly in Zech 9-10, with no antecedent in Zech 1-8.1 4 F 15 Further, no report of prophetic vision is present in Zech 9-14, whereas it is the main literary genre of Zech 1-6.Meaningfully, even scholars defending a Zecharian origin for the whole book treat Zech 9-14 separately and set it in a different sociohistorical context than the first eight chapters in order to make sense of these differences in both form and content.1 5 F 16 In addition, I consider one of the main divergences between the two sections of the book of Zechariah to be the 14 See Y. T. Radday and D. Wickman, "The Unity of Zechariah Examined in the Light of Statistical Linguistics," ZAW 87 (1975), 30-55 (differentiating chs.12-14 from the rest of the book); Y. T. Radday and M. A. Pollatschek, "Vocabulary Richness in Post-Exilic  Prophetic Books," ZAW 92 (1980), 333-346 (separating chs.9-11 and 12-14 from chs. 1-8); S. L. Portnoy and D. L. Petersen, "Biblical  Texts and Statistical Analysis: Zechariah and Beyond," JBL 103  (1984), 11-21 (separating chs.9-14 from chs. 1-8, and chs.9-11 from chs. 12-14).As it is made clear by these articles, the use of statistical analysis in the study of the Hebrew Bible raises several methodological questions and requires great caution in the interpretation of results.But in this case, statistical analysis shows at least the significant linguistic dissimilarity between Zech 9-14 and Zech 1-8, as well as between chs.9-11 and chs.12-14.15 Concerning the poetic style of Zech 9:1-11:3, see in particular the analyses in P. D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic.The Historical and  Sociological Roots of Jewish Apocalyptic Eschatology (rev.ed.; Philadelphia:  Fortress Press, 1979), 292-337; Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road,  164-230 (esp.the charts about prose particle density).16 For instance, Curtis, who maintains the possibility of a single author for the whole book of Zechariah, hypothesizes a radical change in the social location of the prophet in order to explain the differences between the two sections of the book without assigning them to different authors (or at least to different prophetic groups).I am not convinced, though, that this is the easiest way to make sense of these differences; see Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road, esp.231-280; idem, "The Mas'ot Triptych and the Date of Zechariah 9-14: Issues in the Latter Formation of the Book of the Twelve," in R. Albertz, J. D. Nogalski, and J. Wöhrle (eds.),Perspectives on the Formation of the Book of the Twelve.Methodological Foundations -Redactional Processes -Historical Insights (BZAW, 433; Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter,  2012), 191-206.discrete ideologies they develop.Zechariah 9-14 presents a more negative worldview and a more dramatic conception of history than does Zech 1-8, to the extent that Zech 9-14 has been treated as apocalyptic literature.1 6 F 17 As a matter of fact, a major change takes place in ch. 9 whereby Jerusalem's relations with the nations take on a warlike dimension.1 7 F 18 Whereas the nations converge on Jerusalem in order to worship YHWH at the end of ch. 8, in ch. 9 Jerusalem is attacked by the Greeks, and in chs.12 and 14 nations converge on Jerusalem in order to attack the holy city.Only then is the worship of YHWH by the nations in Jerusalem (Zech 14:16-21) envisioned anew.Moreover, the depiction of the Judean community, its leadership and its destiny is clearly more negative in Zech 9-14 than in Zech 1-8.Indeed, despite the presence of positive images in Zech 9-14 (e.g., in 9:16-17; 10:10-12; 12:8; 14:20-23), the community and its leadership (often referred to as a flock, ‫,צאן‬ and its shepherd[s], ‫)רעה‬ are the object of severe divine judgments announcing devastation (see esp.Zech 10: 1-3a; 11:1-3, 6, 8, 9, 14, 15-16, 17; 13:7-8; 14:1-2). I particular, Zech 11 presents a sharp criticism of the community and its leadership.This criticism occurs in a chapter that occupies a pivotal position within Zech 9-14.1 8 F 19 No similar criticism is found in Zech 1-8.On the contrary, chs.1-8 present a positive view of the community and its destiny: it is guided by esteemed leaders such as Zerubbabel and Joshua (Zech 3; 4:6b-10a; 6:9-15; 8), and it is mainly the object of divine blessings (see ch. 8 in particular).1 9 F 20 The categories of utopia and dystopia have 17 See in particular Hanson, Dawn of Apocalyptic, 280-401.For a reevaluation of the relation between Zech 9-14 and apocalyptic literature, see E. J. C. Tigchelaar, Prophets of Old and the Day of the End.Zechariah, the Book of Watchers and Apocalyptic (OTS, 35; Leiden: Brill,  1996), esp.89-133, 214-265.Zechariah 9-14 is often described as a "proto-apocalyptic" text or as displaying a "proto-apocalyptic" eschatology; see in particular S. L. Cook, Prophecy and Apocalypticism.The Postexilic Social Setting (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995), esp.34-35; recently L.-S.Tiemeyer, "Will the Prophetic Texts from the Hellenistic Period Stand Up, Please!," in Grabbe and Lipschits (eds.),Judah between East and West, 255-279 (261-263).Even if Zech 9-14 has similarities to apocalyptic literature, I will not use this category because it is fuzzy and poorly defined (for instance, Tiemeyer ["Will the Prophetic Texts," 262] use it "for texts falling in between 'prophetic eschatology' and 'apocalyptic eschatology' ").Although this topic relates to my interpretation of Zech 9-14, limitations of space prevent me from addressing precisely the relationship between this text and apocalyptic literature.18 Despite the fact that it contains some oracles against nations (e.g., in Zech 1:15; 2:3-4, 12-13), Zech 1-8 does not envisage any armed conflict between Jerusalem and other nations.On the contrary, Zech 1-8 acknowledges the authority of the Persian Empire, as suggested by the references to the reign of the Persian king structuring these chapters (1:1, 7; 7:1).
19 See for instance Redditt,19 and 25. 20 Zech 5:1-4 contains the sole judgment of Zech 1-8 that directly affects the Judean community.Note that it is only directed been aptly employed by S. J. Schweitzer to describe the general perspective of Zech 9-14.21 Indeed, these chapters alternate utopian depictions and dystopian ones, as is most clear in the last chapter where the plundering of Jerusalem is followed by a divine intervention against the nations and the installation of the city as the cultic center of the world.Although both sections of the book contain utopian depictions related to the restoration of Jerusalem and Judah, Zech 9-14 also manifests a clear dystopian outlook that is absent from Zech 1-8. Ths specific aspect of Zech 9-14 reflects an important conceptual divergence regarding the restoration of Jerusalem and Judah.Whereas Zech 1-8 relates the restoration to the reconstruction of the temple and announces it in the near future, Zech 9-14 develops the conception that the glorious restoration of Jerusalem and Judah will only take place after a period of great troubles.Such a conceptual difference strongly pleads in favor of a diachronic distinction between the two sections of the book.

THE STRUCTURE AND COMPOSITION OF
ZECHARIAH 9-14 A diachronic separation does not always imply a synchronic separation, and so the latter must be established independently.Against the major view that sees Zech 9-14 as a section in itself, some scholars consider chs.9-14 to be part of a larger section that begins with the oracular introduction of Zech 7:1.2 1 F 22 The key question concerns the structuring function of the term ‫משא‬ in Zech 9:1 and 12:1, which serves to introduce the two subsections of Zech 9-14 (chs.9-11 and chs.12-14).For instance, S. Frolov argues that this term does not seem to indicate a change of time, venue and/or speaker, and therefore chs.9-14 can be understood as the continuation of the section introduced by the chronological notice of Zech 7:1.2 2 F 23 Nonetheless, Frolov admits that "9:1 and 12:1 provide the audience with the option of reading ch.9-11 and 12-14 as compositions in their own right and therefore should not be totally overlooked."2 3 F 24 Despite this concession, Frolov, along with other scholars, downplays the structuring role of the term ‫2.משא‬ 4 F 25 However, this role is well attested in Isaiah's oracles against the nations (cf.Isa 13:1; 15:1; 17:1; 19:1; 21:1, 11, 13;  22:1; 23:1) and by the fact that in the Twelve, ‫משא‬ serves as an introduction for whole books (Nah 1:1; Hab 1:1; Mal 1:1).2 5 F 26 Furthermore, the introductory sequence ‫יהוה‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫משא‬ is attested in the Hebrew Bible only in Zech 9:1; 12:1 and the superscription of Mal 1:1.This sequence brings Zech 9-14 closer to the book of Malachi and consequently tends to distinguish Zech 9-14 from Zech 1-8, where the term ‫משא‬ is not even present.2 6F 27 That ‫משא‬ does not explicitly introduce a change of time, venue, and/or speaker (as opposed to the superscriptions in Zech 1-8; cf.Zech 1:1, 7; 7:1) is not decisive, remainder of the book (Zech 7-14), it would mean that the prophet is presented as, on the same day answering a question on fasting with more than ten oracles (chs.7-8), making a massive proclamation concerning the international political situation (chs.9-10), accomplishing several symbolic acts that focus more particularly on local social conditions (chs.11), and finally making another significant proclamation concerning relations between Jerusalem and the nations (chs.12-14).This reading does not seem to be the easiest one.Perhaps some scholars tend to project the length and productivity of their own working days onto the activity of ancient prophets (if so, it would be to their credit [unless they have children]). 24Ibid., 29. 25 When we do not treat ‫משא‬ as a major structural marker in Zechariah, this creates a disproportion in the structure of the book, and more specifically, downplays the importance of Zech 9-14 given its length (constituting more than one third of the book).This is a striking aspect of the formal and conceptual structures presented by Frolov (38-40).For instance, in his formal structure, the unique verse Zech 8:23 is presented as a subsection at the same level as chs.9-11 and chs.12-14 (respectively the third, the fourth and the fifth subsection of what he calls the fifth development of the third episode); in his conceptual structure, the whole of chs.9-14 is considered as a sub-sub-subsection of the third episode of the book (at the same level as the short passage of Zech 8:20-23)!
26 Some scholars even suggested that the term ‫משא‬ designates a specific literary genre; see R. D. Weis, "Oracle," ABD 5, 28-29; M. H. Floyd, "The ‫א‬ ‫שָּׂ‬ ‫מַ‬ (MAŚŚĀʾ) as a Type of Prophetic Book," JBL 121 (2002), 401-422; but see M. J. Boda, "Freeing the Burden of Prophecy: Maśśāʼ and the Legitimacy of Prophecy in Zech 9-14," Bib 87 (2006), 338-357; see also I. Willi-Plein, "Wort, Last oder Auftrag?Zur Bedeutung von ‫משא‬ in Überschriften prophetischer Texteinheiten," in I. Willi-Plein, Davidshaus und Prophetie.Studien zu den Nebiim (Biblisch-theologische Studien, 127;Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Theologie, 2012), 173-182. 27 This does not mean that Zech 9-14 should be conceived as a work independent from Zech 1-8 since, unlike Mal 1:1, the sequence ‫יהוה‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫משא‬ in Zech 9:1 and 12:1 does not serve to introduce a specific figure; see Floyd, ‫א"‬ ‫שָּׂ‬ ‫מַ‬ (MAŚŚĀʾ)," 408-422.since prophetic books are in general not consistent in their use of structural markers.For instance, the three main sections of the book of Isaiah are not introduced in the same way, and dated introductions appear only in the first section (similar to the book of Zechariah).In addition to the change of oracular introduction in Zech 9-14, the above-mentioned differences on formal and thematic grounds between Zech 1-8 and Zech 9-14 also support a synchronic separation between chs. 8 and 9. Thus, the headings using the term ‫משא‬ in Zech 9:1 and 12:1 most probably indicate a synchronic separation from Zech 7-8.Moreover, their similarity suggests Zech 9-11 and 12-14 are closely related and together form another section of the book.
As to its internal structure,2 7 F 28 Zech 9-14 mainly displays three dominant scenarios of the future, each depicting a warlike conflict in which Jerusalem is under enemy attack (Zech 9-10; 12:1-13:6; 14):2 8 F 29 the first attack is carried out by Greeks (9:13) and the other two by a coalition of nations (12:2-3; 14:2).Although these war scenarios all lead to the restoration of Jerusalem and Judah, they are all quite different, with specific accents that sometimes contrast and create significant tensions.For instance, whereas in the first scenario Israel's victory over its enemies is total, the end of the second scenario is associated with a mysterious pierced figure and a great lamentation (12:10-14), and the third scenario even describes the sack of Jerusalem by the nations (14:1-2).Indeed, the further we read on in the text, the more dramatic the war scenarios become.The war scenarios are interspersed with passages focusing on the community and its ill fate, namely, Zech 11 and 13:7-9 (see also 10:1-3a).Both passages correct the triumphalism of the preceding war scenario(s) with harsh criticism and devastating divine judgments over the community and some of its leaders, the latter referred to as shepherds ‫.)רעה(‬At the same time, they prepare for the more dramatic war scenario(s) that are to follow.Hence, the general structure of Zech 9-14 indicates that Jerusalem's war against its enemies and the judgment of 28 On the structure of Zech 9-14, see in particular M. Butterworth, Structure and the Book of Zechariah (JSOTSup, 130;  Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992); Floyd,Minor Prophets,Curtis,Up the Steep and Stony Road,[161][162][163][164] Cf.D. Ellul, "Variations sur le theme de la guerre sainte dans le Deutero-Zacharie," ETR 56 (1981), 55-71; she distinguishes five battle scenes in Zech 9-14: 9:1-10; 9:11-17; 10:3b-11:3; 12:1-13:9; 14:1-21.I group the first three scenes distinguished by Ellul together because the second and the third each presuppose the preceding scene(s), while the fourth and the fifth do not.Although some links between subdivisions can be difficult to define precisely, the idea of war scenarios is helpful in connecting the different motifs displayed by Zech 9-14, taking into consideration the particular development of the war theme in these chapters.See also Hanson, Dawn of  Apocalyptic, 280-401 (and idem, "Zechariah 9 and the Recapitulation of an Ancient Ritual Pattern," JBL 92 [1973], 37-59), who stresses the importance of the conflict myth and the divine warrior imagery in Zech 9-14.
the shepherds are two structuring topics in Zech 9-14.Another important theme in Zech 9-14 is that of the end of YHWH's prophets,30 a theme that is explicitly addressed at the end of the second scenario in Zech 13:2-6.However, this theme is not restricted to this passage alone but rather is anticipated by the criticism of some forms of divination and cult in Zech 10:1-3a, namely, teraphim, diviners, and dreams, whose relation to prophecy is easily made (cf.Jer 23:25-32; 27:9-10; 29:8-9).Moreover, as I will argue, other motifs such as the shepherd's resignation from his mission in Zech 11 (vv.8-9) and the reference to the pierced figure in Zech 12:10 can be related to the question of the end of YHWH's prophets.Due to their centrality in Zech 9-14, the themes of war, the judgment of the shepherds and the end of YHWH's prophets will be the focus of this article. 31lthough I do not aim to provide a redactional analysis of Zech 9-14, these synchronic observations allow me to offer some brief diachronic insights that are significant for my argument.The composition of Zech 9-14 is complex and disputed.However, many scholars believe that this section is not homogeneous but was formed by the addition or compilation of several substantial passages or "blocks." 32The fact that, as noted above, the text includes three war scenarios, which are quite different and often in tension with one another, supports this view by suggesting that these scenarios probably came from different hands. 33Furthermore, the passages connecting the war scenarios and also correcting them with a negative view of the community (Zech 11; 13:7-9) probably came from another hand.The precise delimitation and the chronology of these blocks are a matter of debate that I will not address.It can nonetheless be said that ch.14 is usually seen as one of the latest texts of Zech 9-14, and ch. 9 one of the earliest. 34These brief diachronic remarks reveal a significant point: the composition of Zech 9-14 does not stem from one specific historical event, but is rather the outcome of larger historical developments taking place over the span of a certain time period (perhaps more than one or two generations).I will return to this point when I address the question of the historical context of Zech 9-14.
With other scholars like E. Bosshard, R. G. Kratz, and O. H. Steck,39 I think that the best explanation for the attribution of chs.9-14 to the prophet Zechariah is that these chapters are scribal prophecies composed from the outset to complete the book of Zechariah (that is Fortschreibungen).It is indeed well established that Judean scribes not only copied authoritative texts but also edited, updated, and expanded them in order to bring them closer to their present situation. 40Zechariah 9-14 is probably the fruit of such scribal interventions within the book of Zechariah, as evidenced by the text's extensive intertextuality. 41During the last decades, this notable intertextuality has been the object of several studies, 42 which 9:1; 12:1; Mal 1:1), some scholars hypothesize an original transmission of Zech 9-14 together with Malachi and separated from Zech 1-8 (see in particular Stade, "Deuterozacharja," part 3, 307-309; Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road, esp.275-276; idem, "The Mas'ot Triptych and the Date of Zechariah 9-14").This hypothesis, though, hardly explains why Zech 9-14 has been joined to Zech 1-8 at some point.In order to solve this problem, Curtis postulates that there was a tradition attributing Zech 9-11 and Zech 12-14 to the prophet Zechariah (Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road, 275-276).Such an explanation is quite complex because it implies that Zech 9-14 was separated from Zech 1-8 and transmitted anonymously despite the fact that it was already attributed to Zechariah. 39Cf.Bosshard and Kratz, "Maleachi im Zwölfprophetenbuch," 41-45; Steck, Abschluß der Prophetie, esp.30-60; see also somewhat different, Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 213-247 (who does not exclude the use of some pre-existing material, especially in the case of Zech 9-11), and Person, Second Zechariah, esp.140-142 (who considers Zech 9-14 as stemming from a Deuteronomistic redaction of the book of Zechariah based on a poetic source, Zech 9). 41The probable late date of the text also points in that direction (see below). 42See already Stade, "Deuterozacharja," part 1, 41-96; M. Delcor, "Les sources du deutéro-Zacharie et ses procédés d'emprunt," RB 59 14 JOURNAL OF HEBREW SCRIPTURES show that Zech 9-14 frequently alludes to other prophetic traditions, especially Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Isaiah, and Hosea, as well as to the Torah and the Psalms, so much so that some scholars use the term anthology to define this text. 43This particular feature of Zech 9-14 is not without relation to the numerous references to biblical texts displayed in later Qumranian compositions and supports a reading of these chapters as scribal prophecies, most probably of a late date. 44he dependence of Zech 9-14 upon Zech 1-8 is suggested by some literary connections between the two parts of the book. 45For instance, the theme of the restoration of Jerusalem appears as an overarching theme for the whole book, and both sections end with a scenario of the nations' pilgrimage to Jerusalem to worship YHWH.Or, more precisely, the call to rejoice in Zech 9:9-10 is probably an echo of the call to rejoice in Zech 2:14-16: both texts exhort the daughter of Zion ‫ציון(‬ ‫)בת‬ to rejoice (the verbs are not the same but are synonymous) because of a special arrival in Jerusalem (particle ‫הנה‬ + verb ‫ב‬ ‫ו‬ ‫א‬ ), namely, YHWH in Zech 2 and a humble king in Zech 9.4 5 F 46 A. Schart has rightly pointed out that the connections between Zech 9-14 and Zech 1-8 are few compared to the former's connections to the Jeremiah and Ezekiel traditions.On this basis, he doubts that Zech 9-14 was originally written in the context of the book of Zechariah.4 6F 47 However, as I argue below, the prominent use of prophetic traditions other than Zech 1-8 in Zech 9-14 can well be explained in the context of the book of Zechariah.Zechariah 9-14 relies heavily on older prophetic traditions in a way that is consistent with Zech 1-8's depiction of the prophet recalling the words of the "prophets of old" ( ‫הנביאים‬ ‫הראשנים‬ ; Zech 1:4; 7:7, 12) in language inspired by other prophetic traditions, Jeremiah in particular (Zech 1:1-6; 7:4-14).4 7 F 48 This conceptual and linguistic congruity hints that Zech 9-14 was written as the continuation of Zech 1-8.

THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF ZECHARIAH 9-14
The dating of Zech 9-14 has been a matter of great disagreement among scholars.Based mainly on the identification of historical allusions, numerous dates have been proposed, from the monarchic period down to the Maccabean times.4 8 F 49 Hence, as several scholars point out, establishing a direct relationship between details of the text and specific historical events has mostly been unsuccessful as a method for dating Zech 9-14.4 9 F 50 Given the past proliferation of historical interpretations, some scholars even abandoned reading Zech 9-14 in a precise historical context (albeit often still implying a Persian setting).5 0F 51 The difficulty in interpreting historical 16 JOURNAL OF HEBREW SCRIPTURES allusions is a result of the chapters' utopian/dystopian perspective: 52 Zech 9-14 seeks not to describe a historical reality but rather to transform it and create a new reality.This perspective makes the text elusive as regards historical reality. 53s I observed above, the alternating dystopian and utopian motifs serve to construct a scenario in which the restoration of Jerusalem and Judah is preceded by great troubles.More than merely a utopian depiction, Zech 9-14 also portrays a disappointing situation and envisages the dramatic way in which utopia will become reality.As Schweitzer points out, one of the main functions of such literature is to criticize an actual situation by picturing it negatively and contrasting it with a much better one. 54These theoretical observations indicate that rather than looking for particular events in specific passages, it is safer to try to find a larger social context that fits the main conceptions and particularities of the text.This is all the more necessary given that Zech 9-14 is probably not the work of a single author but rather the product of several substantial additions to the book of Zechariah, possibly spanning several decades (see above).As such, Zech 9-14 reflects the developments of a historical period, rather than punctual events.Together with several scholars, I argue that the sociohistorical context that best explains the production of Zech 9-14 is, more or less, the period of Ptolemaic rule over Judea (see below). 55s to the terminus ad quem, although A. Kunz recently defended a Maccabean setting for part of Zech 9-10, 56 such a date is not easily compatible with the oldest attestation of Zech 9-14 found in 4QXII a .This manuscript includes a passage from Zech 14 (Zech 14:18), one of the latest texts of Zech 9-14. 57It could have been written already by the mid-second century. 58Yet, the composition of Zech 9-14 presumably took place at least some years or decades before the redaction of 4QXII a . 59Furthermore, the Greek translation of the Twelve, which could have taken place during the first half of the second century B.C.E., 60  62 See also van der Toorn, Scribal Culture, esp.252 and 255, who argues that the scroll of the Twelve was published by the end of the third century.One could also add that the reference to the twelve prophets in Sir 49:10 implies the existence of a corpus of the Twelve and hints that this corpus has already reached its last stages of development in the beginning of the second century B.C.E.This is also suggested by Sir 48:10, which quotes the epilogue to Malachi (Mal 3:24), one of the latest texts of the prophetic corpus (see Steck,  Abschluß der Prophetie, 127-144; van der Toorn, Scribal Culture, 253-255).
14 could have taken place early in the Seleucid period,63 it is safe to consider Zech 9-14 as mainly written before this period.
It should be emphasized that the specific and extensive intertextual relations of Zech 9-14 with other prophetic books, the Torah, and the Psalms imply a setting for Zech 9-14 late in the relative chronology of the Hebrew Bible.If, as many scholars think, a great part of these texts developed during the Persian period or somewhat later, 64 a Hellenistic date for Zech 9-14 is far from inappropriate.The fact that comparable allusive literature was produced in great number during the Hellenistic period (for instance at Qumran) also supports such a date.Recently, L.-S.Tiemeyer argued that there is no indisputable evidence that prophetic texts like Zech 9-14 were written during the Hellenistic period. 65She maintains that the historical allusions can be interpreted in several ways, the language cannot be dated precisely, and specific features that bring some prophetic texts closer to apocalyptic literature are not necessarily Hellenistic.On this basis, she concludes that all prophetic texts were written during the Persian period.This argument is problematic, though, since it completely overlooks the textual evidence, which offers the clearest indication that prophetic books, Jeremiah and Ezekiel in particular, were still developing well into the Hellenistic period. 66Methodologically, textual criticism should be the basis for general reflection on the Hellenistic dating of some texts of the Hebrew Bible.During the last decades, several studies have shown that the traditional separation between textual and literary criticism (or "lower" and "higher" criticism) is problematic since both approaches should go hand in hand, informing each other. 67ot only does Tiemeyer overlook this methodological point, she invalidates absolute criteria for the dating of prophetic texts without adducing any positive arguments in favor of a Persian period date for Zech 9-14.Therefore, unless we presuppose that all prophetic texts were already written at the end of the Persian period (as Tiemeyer does), 68 there is no a priori reason to exclude a Hellenistic setting.
A similar comment may be made about the approach of B. G. Curtis, on which Tiemeyer relies in her treatment of Zech 9-14.Curtis seeks to make a "plausible, perhaps even probable" 69 case for single authorship of the whole book of Zechariah, attributed to the historical prophet Zechariah himself.Such a methodology is incomplete, since the task of exegetes and historians is not only to build plausible or probable reconstructions but also to evaluate these reconstructions and discern the most probable one.When it comes to the reference to the Greeks in Zech 9:13, 70 Curtis devotes four pages to surveying the Persian-Greek conflict of the late sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E. in order to defend the idea that a depiction of the Greeks as enemies is plausible in Judea during the early Persian period. 71However, Curtis does not explain why such a historical setting would be more probable than a later one, especially a Hellenistic one, where Zech 9:13 fits very well.Indeed, not only are the Greeks presented as enemies, but they also are the chief enemies, the only ones mentioned in Zech 9:11-17.In addition, the text Hanan Eshel (JSJSup, 148; Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2012), 95-116.
68 Tiemeyer, "Will the Prophetic Texts," 255-256. 69Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road, 275; see also in the introduction, p. 1: "I shall not attempt so much to disprove multiple authorship as to make single authorship a plausible, perhaps probable, conclusion." 70On the basis of metrical arguments, some scholars have suggested that the end of v. 13, referring to the sons of Javan ‫יון(‬ ‫בניך‬ ‫,)על‬ is a later interpolation.However, arguments on metrical grounds are weak, since the poetry of Zech 9 is not metrically regular.Furthermore, the meaning of chs. 9 and 10 requires the end of v. 13 be present; otherwise, no enemy at all would be mentioned in the fight described in Zech 9:11-10:7; contra Hanson,Dawn of Apocalyptic,[297][298]Redditt,Haggai,Zechariah and Malachi,[96][97] Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road, 174-177; see also idem, "The Mas'ot Triptych and the Date of Zechariah 9-14," 196-201.

20
JOURNAL OF HEBREW SCRIPTURES describes the Greeks as representing a direct threat to the city of Jerusalem, 72 an observation overlooked by Curtis, 73 and which again supports a Hellenistic setting over a Persian one. 74This conclusion is all the more evident in light of the particular political instability of the Hellenistic period (see below).
Tiemeyer may be correct that no one criteria alone can establish a Hellenistic dating of Zech 9-14.But several indicators, when considered together suggest that these chapters fit much better in a Ptolemaic setting than in a Persian one.The reference to the Greeks as the main enemies of Jerusalem-found in one of the oldest passages of Zech 9-14 no less-is one of these indicators.Other potential indicators will be described below.In methodological terms, it is the cumulative impact of multiple indicators that is decisive in determining sociohistorical context.Historical allusions cannot be used as the sole basis for dating Zech 9-14.However, they can assist in identifying a potential social setting when taken in light of other kinds of evidence.Below, I will offer a reading of the aforementioned main themes of Zech 9-14 that shows that their specific development fits best within the context of Ptolemaic rule.As Zech 9-14 is implicitly presented as coming from the prophet Zechariah, I will also interpret these themes in the context of the whole book of Zechariah, so as to explain 72 The fact that the Greeks are opposed to the "sons of Zion" points to a battle scenario taking place at Jerusalem.This is confirmed by the introduction of the battle in Zech 9:12, which exhorts the Judeans to return to the fortress that is in all likelihood Jerusalem (see Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road, 171 n. 13).The previous passage, Zech 9:9-10, also helps to establish the geographical setting in Jerusalem.Furthermore, the other battle scenes in Zech 9-14 are also located in Jerusalem (see Zech 12 and 14). 73Although he seems to agree that the battle scene in Zech 9 takes place at Jerusalem (Up the Steep and Stony Road, 178), Curtis interprets Zech 9:13 as referring to a significant world power outside Judea.The significant events to which Curtis refers-in order to point out the political importance of the Greeks during the early Persian period-take place outside Palestine (above all in the Aegean world and Asia Minor); see Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road, 173-181; idem, "The Mas'ot Triptych and the Date of Zechariah 9-14," 198-201. 74A similar remark can be made about the probable allusion to the Ptolemaic and Seleucid kingdoms in Zech 10:10-11.These verses refer to Egypt and Assyria as the two places from which the exiles will return and as the two great powers that will be punished by YHWH.Such a depiction makes more sense when read in a Hellenistic context than in a Persian one.At the very least, it can be said that the Judean scribes reading this passage during the Hellenistic period most probably interpreted these references as designations for the Ptolemaic and Seleucid kingdoms; cf.Stade, "Deuterozacharja," part 3, 290-296; Steck, Abschluß der Prophetie, 76-80; A. C. Hagedorn, "Diaspora or no Diaspora?:Some Remarks on the Role of Egypt and Babylon in the Book of the Twelve," in Albertz, Nogalski and Wöhrle [eds.],Perspectives on the Formation of the Book of the Twelve, 319-336  (329).
why the prophecies of Zechariah have been expanded during the Ptolemaic period.

THE WAR OF JERUSALEM AGAINST THE NATIONS
Zechariah 1-8 focuses on the restoration of Jerusalem and of the cosmic order in general, which includes the reconstruction of the Jerusalem temple and culminates with the city of Jerusalem as the cultic center of the world (Zech 8:20-23).The restoration process is associated with the time of Persian domination, as indicated by the chronological organization of the oracles and visions of Zech 1-8 according to the regnal year of the Persian monarch (Zech 1:1, 7; 7:1).In this way, Zech 1-8 represents Persia as a world power established by YHWH to initiate the restoration.This picture is quite consistent with the positive images of Persian rule found in other texts of the Hebrew Bible (Isa 40-55, 2 Chr 36:22-23, Ezra, and Nehemiah in particular).Furthermore, although Zech 1-8 announces divine intervention against the nations (see esp.Zech 2:1-4), the text does not envisage any confrontation of Jerusalem or Judah against the nations.On the contrary, the concluding oracle (Zech 8:20-23) presents a peaceful and beneficial relationship between Jerusalem and the nations in which the latter worship YHWH at Jerusalem.Zechariah 9-14 introduces a radical change in the book.No further (explicit) references are made to Persian rule, and the relationship between Jerusalem and the nations is now bellicose.Dramatic events in the Levant (Zech 9:1-8) are foretold, as are conflicts that will pit Jerusalem-along with Judah and, only in the first war scenario, Ephraim-against the Greeks in particular (Zech 9:11-10:12), and then against all the nations (Zech 12-14).Thus, the book of Zechariah as a whole contrasts two visions of Jerusalem: the first a favorable situation under Persian rule, which allows the restoration to begin, and the second a disturbed and belligerent one associated especially with the Greeks and preceding the complete fulfillment of the restoration.Hence, the book as a whole makes good sense when it is read as a depiction of the shift from Persian to Hellenistic domination. 75This reading is supported by a probable historical allusion to Alexander's conquest of the Levant in the introduction of Zech 9-14, which has been noted by several scholars. 76In fact, the divine 75 77 Places in west Syria are mentioned first, then Phoenician cities, and most significantly, special attention is given to the fall of Tyre as a decisive event (cf.vv.3-5).Finally, Philistine cities are devastated, Ashkelon and Gaza in particular (cf.v. 5).In this way, Zech 9-14 starts by recalling the decisive events that mark the beginning of Hellenistic domination over the Levant, and the whole of chs.9-14 interprets shift as the passage from a quite stable situation to a politically tumultuous one.Thus, the period of Greek domination is depicted as a time of trouble, that is, a counterrestoration, which will precede a massive divine York: de Gruyter, 2008), 295-299; I. Willi-Plein, "Prophetie und Weltgeschichte: Zur Einbettung von Sach 9,1-8 in die Geschichte Israels," in Willi-Plein (ed.), Davidshaus und Prophetie, 243-262.
77 Contra Curtis in particular ("The Mas'ot Triptych and the Date of Zechariah 9-14," 197), the fact that the list of Levantine cities in Zech 9:1-8 does not correspond exactly to the itinerary of Alexander during his conquest of the Levant does not mean that this text cannot allude to that event.Firstly, the scribes of Jerusalem did not necessarily have precise data about Alexander's conquest at their disposal.Secondly, as is common in the ancient Near East, they could select and organize the information at their disposal (consciously or not) according to their own conceptions, especially if their primary goal was not to describe historical reality.For instance, Curtis suggests that the mention of Damascus at the beginning of the list in Zech 9:1-8 (v. 1) does not fit with the historical picture because Alexander went to Damascus only after the subjugation of Egypt.Such an argument wrongly implies that the scribe(s) writing Zech 9:1-8 wished to describe the exact historical events of the conquest of Alexander.In fact, as Curtis mentions, although Alexander probably did not go to Damascus before his passage through Egypt (331 B.C.E.), Damascus was already in his control from the beginning of his conquest of the Levant, since his general Parmenion took it in 333 B.C.E.before the siege of Tyre.It seems clear, then, that the Jerusalem scribes are not interested in emphasizing such a slight historical nuance in a text like Zech 9.It is much more significant for them that the great city of Syria had been rapidly subdued at the beginning of Alexander's passage through the Levant.Methodologically, just as a literary allusion is not a citation and does not need to correspond tightly with its intertext, neither must a historical allusion be a precise and exact report of historical events.Hence, the fact that Zech 9:2 mentions Tyre before Sidon, whereas Alexander conquered Sidon first, cannot count as a strong argument against the presence of an allusion to Alexander's conquest in Zech 9:1-8.This inversion may be a way to stress the significance of the fall of Tyre, as it is further emphasized in the two following verses (v.3-4), or to underline the preeminence of Tyre over Sidon.It may also simply be idiomatic, since every mention of both cities together in the Hebrew Bible uses the same order (Jer 25:22; 27:23; 47:4; Joel 4:4).In any case, the conquest of west Syrian sites, followed by Phoenician cities, Tyre in particular, and ending with calamities on Philistine cities such as Ashkelon and Gaza corresponds strikingly with Alexander's conquest of the Levant.The least that can be said is that a Jerusalem scribe reading this text during the Ptolemaic period most probably had this event in mind.intervention that will bring the restoration of Jerusalem and the cosmic order to its completion (see Zech 14 in particular).This structure of the book of Zechariah according to the succession of empires is a particular feature that brings Zechariah closer to apocalyptic literature.The book of Daniel, for instance, manifests a similar structure to the book of Zechariah.It is composed of two sections (chs.1-6 and chs.7-12) contrasting Babylonian and Persian domination on the one hand and Hellenistic domination on the other.The second section also displays much more complex and dramatic scenes than the first.It is not surprising that no Greek ruler is explicitly mentioned in Zech 9-14 (contrary to the Persian ruler in Zech 1-8), as apocalyptic literature tends not to explicitly name Hellenistic kings.This decision not to explicitly name a Hellenistic king keeps with the fictive setting of the book, whose supposed author lived long before Hellenistic domination (but see the explicit mention of the Persian king Cyrus in Isa 44:28 and 45:1).It also probably ensures that too much legitimacy is not bestowed on any Hellenistic king.
Although Zech 9-14 does not describe literal historical events, the utopian/dystopian scenes it depicts draw from historical realities.As such, an understanding of the social context of the Ptolemaic period sheds light on these scenes.Alexander's conquest marked the beginning of a large number of conflicts in the ancient Near East that had a significant impact on Judea and Jerusalem.Of course, the Persian period was also a time of political instability.There were conflicts not very far from Yehud, especially in Egypt, which affected the sociopolitical landscape of Yehud. 78However, the warlike conflicts starting with the arrival of Alexander in the Levant had a much more direct impact on Palestine than those that occurred during the Persian period. 79The region of Coele-Syria to which Judea belonged became an area of contention, and thus a theatre for several military conflicts.Indeed, the campaigns of Alexander provoked the destruction of important neighboring cities, such as Tyre, Gaza, and Samaria.These campaigns were followed ten years later by the incessant Diadochi wars, spanning some forty years.Some of these campaigns took place inside Coele-Syria, and possibly affected Jerusalem directly (see in particular the capture of Jerusalem by JOURNAL OF HEBREW SCRIPTURES Ptolemy I mentioned by Josephus in Ant.12.1-10). 80These conflicts in turn led to the Syrian wars of the third and the second centuries B.C.E., in which the control of Coele-Syria was violently contested. 81In addition to the concrete armed conflicts, there were other factors that shaped the social and economic landscape of the region.Presumably, the military presence in the region was persistently important, with garrisons positioned at several places, and a significant number of Judean mercenaries were in all likelihood mobilized. 82Fortifications were also built to defend Palestine, a strategic region for the protection of Egypt. 83In order to support their wars, the Ptolemies intensified production and agriculture.These events also provoked a significant change in the way the world order was conceived: from the death of Alexander, the Near East was mainly ruled not by one great centralized power (supposedly divinely authorized) but rather by several kings regularly fighting against each other.The significance of this conceptual change is also attested in other texts, especially apocalyptic literature.The second section of the book of Daniel (chs.7-12), for example, depicts a chaotic time after Alexander (see ch. 11 in particular). 84These changes explain well the construction of a disruptive period linked to Greek power in Zech 9-14. 85ince Zech 1-8 recognizes Persian authority by associating the beginning of the restoration of Jerusalem with Persian domination, the eventual collapse of the empire and the political instability that followed created a significant theological problem.With the shift to Hellenistic domination not only was a specific power-previously legitimized by YHWH-brought to an end, but so too was centralized power over the ancient Near East itself, allegedly established by YHWH to maintain order on earth.Instead of ushering in the restoration of Jerusalem, the end of the Persian Empire brought even greater political insecurity.Such dissonance with the ideology of Zech 1-8 likely generated a need for theological explanation.This is perhaps one of the main catalysts for the 80 The use of Josephus for the reconstruction of the Judean history requires great caution and, due to the lack of evidence, it is impossible to ascertain whether or not Ptolemy I captured Jerusalem. 81On the strategic significance of the control of the Levant during the Diadochi and Syrian wars, see C. Seeman, Rome and Judea in Transition: Hasmonean Relations with the Roman Republic and Evolution of the High Priesthood (American University Studies, Series VII: Theology and  Religion, 325; New York et al.: Peter Lang, 2013), 13-25. 82Hölbl, History of the Ptolemaic Empire, 189.The Judean military tradition in Egypt is attested in particular by the Elephantine papyri.
updating of the book of Zechariah through the use of warlike scenarios.These scenarios serve to integrate and make sense of the political (and military) changes of the early Hellenistic period.In certain places, the military vocabulary probably refers to the concrete realities of that period.For instance, specific war constructions as well as the significant military presence seem to be reflected in the use of terms such as ‫בצרון‬ (Zech 9:12a), a hapax legomenon in the HB meaning "stronghold," and ‫מצבה‬ (Zech 9:8), a rare term in the HB designating a (military) post or a garrison.8 5F86 By supplementing Zech 1-8 with Zech 9-14, the scribes of the book of Zechariah affirmed that YHWH had long before revealed that the Persian Empire would come to an end and that this end would not yet be the time of the great restoration but would instead be a time of political instability, associated with the Greeks in particular.The dystopian dimension of the war scenarios serves to depict the period of Hellenistic domination as a disordered and hostile time, whereas the utopian images serve to contrast it with the glorious restoration that is supposed to follow.In this way, the rise of Hellenistic power in the ANE is made part of the divine plan for the restoration of Jerusalem and of the cosmic order.
Nonetheless, the warlike scenes of Zech 9-14 do not clearly explain why the glorious restoration of Jerusalem and Judah is delayed and why there must be such a troubled period.Furthermore, while the addition of these scenes makes good sense in the context of the book of Zechariah, we may still ask why such developments were not added to a book such as Isaiah, which also focuses on the restoration of Jerusalem and envisages the reestablishment of the cosmic order with special attention to Persian power (cf.Isa 44:24-45:13).These are the questions to which we will now attend.

THE JUDGMENT OF THE SHEPHERDS
Zechariah 1-8 announces the restoration not only of Jerusalem and of the cosmic order in general but also, from a more internal perspective, of the Judean community and its leadership.This dimension of the restoration also begins in the Persian era under the leadership of distinguished figures such as Zerubbabel and Joshua (as well as other elite members of the golah mentioned in 6:9-15).The prophet announces its completion by means of several promises (see Zech 8 in particular) and along with the coming of ‫,צמח‬ an ideal leader (3:8; 6:12).The means to achieve complete restoration is also emphasized.In the introduction, the prophet Zechariah is presented as advocating the "return" ‫)שוב(‬ to YHWH (Zech 1:2-6).The community is to turn away from wrongful deeds (1:4-6), more specifically by telling the truth, protecting the weak, defending peace and judging rightfully (7:8-14; 8:14-17,  19), in addition to sustaining the temple (as is implicit in Zech 6:9-15 especially).
Although the community described in Zech 1-8 is not always ideal,8 6 F 87 the image of the Judean community and its leaders in Zech 9-14 is strikingly more negative.8 7F 88 This is principally due to the presence of several passages, strategically placed between the battle scenes, that address the dystopian judgment of leaders called "shepherds" ‫.)רעה(‬The shepherds are presented as the targets of divine punishment (Zech 10:1-3a) and are doomed to woes (Zech 11:1-3, 17; 13:7) because they mistreat the community described as a "flock" ‫;צאן (‬ cf.11:4-16).This negative presentation marks a significant difference between the two sections of the book of Zechariah.In Zech 1-8, not only are the community and its leaders depicted in a generally positively way but also the shepherdflock imagery is completely absent.88 F 89 As scholars have long noticed, the use of this imagery in Zech 9-14 interacts instead with other prophetic texts, such as Jer 23 and Ezek 34 and 37,8 9 F 90 so much so that one may wonder why these passages were introduced into the book of Zechariah and not into Jeremiah or Ezekiel.
A historical interpretation of the shepherds in Zech 9-14 is not an easy task, and up until now no consensus has been reached concerning the identity of the shepherds.9 0F 91 Nonetheless, many commentators agree that the shepherd 87 See Zech 5:1-4 and the exhortations in 1:1-6; 7:4-14; 8:14-19. 88This is true despite the presence of utopian images of the community and its leaders in Zech 9-14; see Zech 9:9-10 especially, Zech 12:8 or, in a peculiar way, Zech 12:10-13:1.I cannot address these texts in detail in this article.Some scholars detect a shared hope in both Zech 1-8 and Zech 9-14 for a restored monarchy (see in particular Petterson, Behold Your King; Floyd, "Was Prophetic Hope Born of Disappointment?") but this hope is often overstated (see for instance Petterson, Behold Your King, 243-245, who interprets Zech 14 as maintaining hope for a future Davidic king, which is strange given the complete absence of a human king in this chapter and the emphasis on YHWH as king in v. 9).It seems to me that the restoration of the monarchy is undeniably a question raised by the book of Zechariah, but it is not a central concern.Moreover, the book does not provide a unified response to this question. 89In particular, the root ‫,רעה‬ "to shepherd," and the word ‫,צאן‬ "flock," are totally absent from Zech 1-8. 90See for instance Willi-Plein, Prophetie am Ende, 80-81; Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, 251; Tai, Prophetie als Schriftauslegung, 132-155; M. J. Boda, "Reading between the Lines: Zechariah 11:4-16 in Its Literary Contexts," in M. J. Boda and M. H. Floyd (eds.),Bringing Out the Treasure,[277][278][279][280][281][282][283][284][285][286][287][288][289][290][291]Wenzel,Reading Zechariah,[225][226][227][228][229][230][231][232][233][234][235][236][237][238][239][240][241][242] For recent interpretations, see Petersen Zechariah 9-14 and Malachi, 86-101; Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road, 195-202; Boda,  "Reading Between the Lines"; R. L. Foster, "Shepherds, Sticks, and Social Destabilization: A Fresh Look at Zechariah 11:4-17," JBL 126  (2007), 735-753; Redditt, Zechariah 9-14, 75-92.image refers to a kind of political power (king, governor, or administrator…), as is usually the case in the ancient Near Eastern sources.92 Here, too, the sociopolitical context of the Ptolemaic period sheds light on the use of this motif in Zech 9-14.It allows us to go further-without identifying specific individual figures-in our interpretation of Zech 11:4-14 especially, where the motif of the shepherd is most developed.This text occupies a turning point within Zech 9-14. 93It criticizes the shepherds in a way which sheds light on other passages that deal with the judgment of the shepherds only briefly (Zech 10:1-3a; 11:1-3, 15-16, 17; 13:7-9).94 I will thus focus on the depiction of the shepherds in Zech 11:4-14.This text presents symbolic actions associated with the shepherding of a flock.95 These actions are reported in the prophetic firstperson, which in the context of the book most probably refers to the prophet Zechariah (see above).92 See in particular L. V. Meyer, "An Allegory Concerning the Monarchy: Zech 11:4-17; 13:7-9," in A. L.Merrill and T. W. Overholt (eds.),Scripture in History and Theology: Essays in Honor of J.  Coert Rylaarsdam (Pittsburgh: Pickwick, 1977), 225-240 (228-230); Floyd, Minor Prophets, 487-488; Foster, "Shepherds, Sticks, and Social Destabilization," 736-743; Boda, "Reading between the Lines," esp.287-288.Even Hanson (Dawn of Apocalyptic, 348-350), who holds that the text is mainly directed against the priests controlling the Jerusalem temple, interprets the term "shepherd" in Zech 11:15-16 as referring to a political and nonsacerdotal figure, the Davidic governor.Other scholars identify the shepherds of Zech 11 with priests.For instance, Redditt defends the view that they are priests in collusion with administrators of the Persian Empire (the latter designated as "merchants" and including some Yehudites); Redditt, Zechariah 9-14, 82-84, 91-92.93 Cf.Redditt, Zechariah 9-14, 77; see also the major role of Zech 11 in the structure of the book of Zechariah proposed by M. G. Kline ("Structure of the Book of Zechariah," esp.179-180, 183).94 This does not mean that the shepherds are always precisely the same people in Zech 9-14.In particular, some passages seem to refer to different individual figures (Zech 11:8, 15-17; 13:7).However, it is safe to assume that all the passages dealing with shepherds in Zech 9-14 are connected and inform each other, especially given their strategic placement.More precisely, it seems to me that Zech 10:1-3a and 11:1-3, though less developed, present a compatible view with Zech 11:4-14 as regards the shepherd motif.95 As is often noted, v. 8 is particularly obscure and therefore I will not focus on it.I will also leave aside the interpretation of the breaking of the two staves because it is not central to my argument.However, it should be mentioned that the breaking of the covenant (made most probably by YHWH) with all the nations in Zech 11:10 is best understood as an allusion to the political instability of the early Hellenistic period.The breaking of the brotherhood between Judah and Israel in Zech 11:14 is probably a reflection of the growing tensions between Jerusalem and Samaria during the Hellenistic period (see for instance the territorial disputes between Judea and Samaria, cf.M. Mor, "The Samaritans in Transition from the Persian to the Greek Period," in Grabbe and Lipschits [eds.], Juah between East and  West, 178-198 [191-198]).

JOURNAL OF HEBREW SCRIPTURES
Commentators regularly note the strong connections between Zech 11:4-14 and Jer 23 and Ezek 34 and 37,9 5 F 96 but it seems to me that they do not highlight sufficiently the specificities of the shepherd motif in Zech 11:4-14.9 6 F 97 As a matter of fact, this passage differs in several ways from its intertexts in Jeremiah and Ezekiel and more generally from shepherd imagery elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible.Firstly, the shepherds here are not the only group of people responsible for the flock.They are mentioned alongside the purchasers ‫)קני(‬ and the sellers ‫)מכרי(‬ of the flock (11:5),9 7 F 98 with both groups referred to as "merchants" ‫)כנעניי(‬ in v. 7 and v. 11.9 8 F 99 Secondly, the shepherds share an economic relationship with the "merchants," in which they are subordinated.This is made clear when the merchants are described as supervising the protagonist shepherd (v.11b) and giving him his salary (v.12).This subordinated position makes the classical identification of the shepherd with the king hardly compatible with Zech 11:4-14.9 9 F 100 Such an identification also jars with the depiction of the "sellers" as blessing the name of YHWH for their wealth in v. 5.This depiction suggests that the sellers, and most probably also the hired shepherds, are Judeans and therefore, if we read this text in a postexilic context, not kings.Thirdly, the way in which the economic dimension is underlined in this text is also original, an observation that is often overlooked.1 0 0 F 101 Verses 4-5 describe the exploitation of the flock by those in charge of it.
96 See footnote no.90. 97That the breaking of the staves in Zech 11 is in contrast to the union of the sticks in Ezek 37 is often pointed out, but this is only one particularity of Zech 11 among others. 98See also the mention of the shepherds along with the cedars, the juniper, the oaks of Bashan and the young lions in Zech 11:1-3, which also suggests different categories of people.
101 See for instance Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, 296-303; Boda, "Reading Between the Lines"; but see Foster, "Shepherds, Sticks, and Social Destabilization," 744-746.The economic dimension is already established by Zech 11:3, which refers to the shepherds' "splendor" ‫,אדרת(‬ most probably with an economic connotation) in order to announce their loss of glory.
The flock is doomed to slaughter ‫ההרגה(‬ ‫,צאן‬ vv. 4, 7, cf.5a), mistreated by its owners and its shepherds, and used as a means of enrichment (v.5).The economic dimension is further emphasized in vv.12-13.Having resigned from his shepherd role, the prophet asks the merchants for his salary, upon the condition that they consider his remuneration a good thing ( ‫אם‬ ‫טוב‬ ‫בעיניכם‬ ‫שכרי‬ ‫הבו‬ ‫חדלו‬ ‫לא‬ ‫ואם‬ ; v. 12).This condition creates a contrast between the attitude of the prophet and that of the merchants toward wealth, since unlike the sellers in v. 5 the prophet is presented as detached from his earnings.This is also suggested in v. 13, where the prophet is depicted as bringing his salary to the temple, more precisely to its founder ‫1,)יוצר(‬ 0 1 F 102 according to the will of YHWH.The prophet's detachment from his wealth is further emphasized by the very positive evaluation of his salary (thirty units of silver) in v. 13a (see ‫היקר‬ ‫1.)אדר‬ 0 2 F 103 This original critique of shepherds as a supervised elite workforce gaining wealth at the expense of the community fits well with the specific socioeconomic developments taking 102 Several commentators follow the Peshitta, presupposing hā'ôṣār ("the treasure") instead of MT's hayyôṣēr (e.g., Petersen, Zechariah 9-14 and Malachi, 87), but this is not necessary.Zechariah 11:13 could refer to a smelter at the temple, setting also the stage for Zech 13:7-9, a text announcing that one third of the people will be refined like gold and silver (note that the number thirty is easily divisible into thirds); on the temple smelter, see C. Torrey, "The Foundry of the Second Temple at Jerusalem," JBL 55 (1936), 247-260; M. Delcor, "Le trésor de la maison de Yahweh des origines à l 'exil," VT 12 (1962), 353-377 (372-377); J. Schaper, "The Jerusalem Temple as an Instrument of the Achaemenid Fiscal Administration," VT 45 (1995), 528-539.
103 Some commentators follow E. Reiner, who points to an idiomatic sense of the expression "thirty shekels" used in Sumerian to describe worthless things.She suggests that this meaning also existed in ancient Hebrew and that it is reflected in Zech 11:12-13.However, this passage does not literally speak about "thirty shekels" but rather about "thirty of silver" ‫]ה[כסף(‬ ‫.)שלשים‬This expression brings Zech 11:12-13 closer to Exod 21:32 (cf. ‫ש‬ ‫שלשים‬ ‫ק‬ ‫לים‬ ‫,)כסף‬ a text which refers to a concrete amount to be paid in compensation for the death of a slave.Furthermore, in referring to Exod 21:32 Reiner argues that this idiomatic sense was lost at some point in ancient Hebrew.Despite this conclusion, the only arguments Reiner brings in favor of her interpretation of Zech 11:12-13 are based on very late interpretative traditions related to other biblical passages, such as Matt 27:9-10 and Gen 37:28.Such an argumentation is not strong enough to warrant an ironic reading of the salary's positive evaluation in v. 13a; E. Reiner, "Thirty Pieces of Silver," JAOS 88 (1968), 186-190; see also for instance Petersen,  Zechariah 9-14 and Malachi, 96-97.Rather, thirty units of silver represents a valuable amount, since in Exod 21:32 it is the price to be paid in compensation of the death of a slave, and in Lev 27:4 it is the price to be paid for a woman's vow at the temple (the price for a young girl's vow being ten times lower and still required [Lev 27:6]); for a similar position, see Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, 275-276.place under the Ptolemaic administration.104Indeed, to increase tax revenue from all sectors of society (agriculture, trade, industry, etc.) was a key Ptolemaic policy. 105This administrative policy provoked several social and economic changes, including the intensification of agriculture and trade, and the development of a tax-farming system. 106It caused an increased number of personnel to work in different areas and levels of tax collection (tax farmers, collectors, controllers, accountants, etc.).These personnel could be either foreign or indigenous.As a result, an affluent elite developed that benefited from the collaboration with the royal administration, especially on tax collection.In parallel, the economic gap between the wealthier class and the lower class increased, and the slave trade intensified. 107Another effect of these administrative changes was the weakening influence of the temples, which likely lost economic importance and were faced with a progressively emerging opposing force. 108The extent of these developments in Palestine is hard to evaluate.Nonetheless, it seems safe to assume that they indeed took place, as such a policy appears to have been applied outside of Egypt, albeit with local variations in its application. 109In particular, the Zenon papyri attest to the economic significance of Palestine for the Egyptian ruling class, and Josephus's tale of the Tobiads witnesses to the development of the royal tax-farming system in this region. 110he specificity of the criticism of the shepherds in Zech 11:4-14 is probably a reflection of these socioeconomic changes and can be read as a criticism of them. 111In particular, the passage seeks to characterize the elites working for various levels of the Ptolemaic administration as greedy and enriching themselves at the expense of the population and the temple.The depiction of the exploitation of a flock could also be directed against the slave trade, which intensified during the Ptolemaic period. 112The prophet's act of bringing his salary to the temple's founder can be understood as a defense of the financial interests of the temple vis-à-vis this rising elite.It can be read as an affirmation of the temple's economic role, arguably as regards tax collection specifically. 113The peculiar mention of the temple's founder seems to point in that direction, since it was probably there that precious metals were smelted and prepared for purposes that included the payment of the royal tribute.
To summarize, Zech 1-8 associates the beginning of the restoration of the Judean community and its leadership with Persian rule.However, the end of the Persian Empire did not lead to the fulfillment of this restoration but, on the contrary, brought changes to the social structure to the detriment of a great part of the Judean population, and possibly also of the Jerusalem temple.This dissonance between the Zecharian tradition and the socioeconomic changes of the Ptolemaic period is probably the main reason for the expansion of the book of Zechariah with the theme of the shepherds' judgment in Zech 9-14.The concern was to affirm that the prophet of the early Persian period, who announced the restoration of the community and its leadership, also foretold the socioeconomic problems of the Hellenistic period.The use of dystopian motifs to describe these social changes serves to characterize them as 3) associated with false cultic practices (vv.2a, 6)1 1 6 F 117 and with a spirit of impurity (v.2b, ‫הטמאה‬ ‫1.)רוח‬ 1 7 F 118 The possibility of a true prophecy is even not envisaged.Such a negative depiction of future prophecy in general implies that at a certain time, YHWH stops sending prophets, and instead, false and idolatrous prophecy develops.More details on false mantic practices are given in Zech 10:1-3a, a passage that prepares for Zech 13:2-6 by introducing the problem of false divination and blaming the teraphim ‫,תרפים(‬ probably [small] statues linked with the cult for the ancestors),1 1 8 F 119 diviners ‫)קסם(‬ and dreams ‫)חלום(‬ more specifically. In addition, Zech 11 may allow us to go further, for it seems to indicate more precisely the moment when the time of YHWH's prophets comes to an end.Indeed, in this chapter the prophet takes on the role of a shepherd of a flock, but he is then described as resigning from this role, having been exhausted and rejected by the flock (vv.8b-9).This resignation is associated with a chaotic situation within the flock.In v. 9b, the prophet announces that part of the flock will die, another part will be lost and the rest will consume itself.In all likelihood, this emphasis on the resignation of the prophet not only serves to introduce the motif of the rupture of the two staves but also has its own symbolic meaning.It probably refers to the end of the prophetic activity of Zechariah.If this is so, the function of such a description could be to mark more generally the end of the activity of YHWH's prophets and to relate this significant episode to the people's woes.1 1 9 F 120 Zechariah review of past research on Zech 13:2-6 as well as a different interpretation, see M. Kartveit, "Sach 13,2-6: Das Ende der Prophetie -Aber Welcher," in A. Tångberg (ed.),Text and Theology.Studies in Honour of Professor Dr. Theol.Magne Saebø, Presented on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday (Oslo: Verbum, 1994), 143-156. 117 The expression ‫האהבי‬ ‫בית‬ in v. 6 is probably a reference to cults for gods other than YHWH; cf.Hos 2:7-15. 118The LXX explicitly affirms that the prophets in Zech 13:2-6 are "false prophets" (see ψευδοπροφήτης in 13:2).One may wonder whether this reading implies that not every prophet is judged in Zech 13:2-6 but only the false ones.In any case, the LXX is most probably an interpretation of a Hebrew text that was similar to the MT, as is attested by the parallel changes made to the designation of prophets in the LXX of Jeremiah (see LXX Jer 6:13; 33:7, 8, 11, 16; 34:9; 35:1;  36:1, 8).
119 About the ‫,תרפים‬ see in particular T. J. Lewis, "Teraphim," in DDD (2d rev.ed.), 844-850. 120 This interpretation makes sense of the text's emphasis on the prophet's resignation, which is often overlooked by commentators (e.g., Petersen, Zechariah 9-14 and Malachi, 94-95).Note that the other passages dealing with the shepherd motif in Zech 9-14 seem also to have connections with the issues of divination and prophecy; see in particular the teraphim, the diviners and the dreams in Zech 10:1-3a (v.2); the term ‫אדרת‬ in 11:1-3 (v.3), which seems to prepare for 13:4; and the fact that Zech 13:7-9 follows Zech 13:2-6 and recalls the pierced prophet of 13:3 by calling forth the sword against the shepherd (v. 7).
13:2-6 supports this interpretation of Zech 11:8-9 by confirming that there will be no more true prophets of YHWH after Zechariah's activity.Additionally, if, as has been proposed, the pierced person in Zech 12:10 refers to a prophetic figure, 121 this passage could also serve to mark the end of YHWH's prophets after the activity of Zechariah by emphasizing the death of a prophet of YHWH, presumably Zechariah himself. 122Thus, Zech 9-14 appears to portray the prophet Zechariah as the last prophet of YHWH, an observation which has been overlooked in past research.Moreover, the dystopian depiction of the flock in Zech 11:9 and the emphasis on the false and idolatrous character of prophecy in Zech 13:2-6 (in relation to Zech 10:1-3a) present the time following the end of YHWH's prophets as a period of chaos and confusion, especially as regards the cult.Nonetheless, this period is described as a provisional one, preceding the great restoration. 121Mason, The Use of Earlier Biblical Material,[160][161][162][163][164][165]Meyers and Meyers,[333][334][335][336][337][338][339][340][341][342] Zech 12:10 is a complex passage which has been the subject of multiple interpretations (see for instance Petterson, Behold Your King,  225-231; Redditt, Zechariah 9-14, 109-111).The pierced one has been identified with many historical figures, such as Gedaliah, Zerubbabel, Onias III and Simon the Maccabee, as well as with less defined figures such as a (future) Davidic king, a priest and a prophet, or with YHWH himself.This is not the place to analyze this passage in detail.
Briefly though, it seems to me that the possible identification of the pierced one with YHWH (see ‫אלי‬ ) and the mention of the outpouring of a spirit of favor and supplication ‫ותחנונים(‬ ‫חן‬ ‫)רוח‬ are most easily understood if Zech 12:10 refers to a pierced prophetic figure.This interpretation is supported by the observation that in Zech 13:2-6 prophets are also both pierced (with the same verb ‫דקר‬ in v. 3) and related to a spirit (there an impure one, ‫הטמאה‬ ‫,רוח‬ v. 2).In addition, Joel 3 confirms the connection between the motif of the outpouring of the spirit by YHWH (also with ‫שפך‬ and ‫,רוח‬ v. 1) and the question of the future of prophecy.In Zech 12:10, the prophetic figure could be Zechariah himself, since it is assumed that he is the one pronouncing the oracle (see ‫אלי‬ ).Note that the shift between the words of YHWH and the words of the prophet (supposedly Zechariah) is not rare in Zech 9-14 (cf.Zech 10:5-6, 7-8; 12:6-9; see with a different view M. Delcor, "Un problème de critique textuelle et d'exégèse.Zach., XII, 10: Et aspicient ad me quem confixerunt," RB 58 [1951], 189-199 [193]).According to this interpretation, Zech 9-14 not only presents the rejection of Zechariah by his contemporaries and his resignation from his prophetic role (Zech 11:8-9) but also his death by murder.If this is correct, one the functions of Zech 12:10 is probably to mark the end of the period of YHWH's prophets, emphasizing their rejection by Israel.This tradition of the persecuted prophets appears to develop during the late-Persian and Hellenistic periods, probably as a means to explain (or maintain) the cessation of YHWH's prophets.See for instance 2 Chr 24:19-21, a text which seems to be closely related to Zech 12:10, since it presents a figure called Zechariah, having a prophetic role, and eventually being murdered.
In regard to this conception, it is worth mentioning that the presence of the book of Malachi after the book of Zechariah does not necessarily contradict the idea that Zechariah was the last prophet of YHWH.1 2 2 F123 Indeed, Malachi is presented as a special figure, different from the other prophets.His book does not give him the title of "prophet" ‫.)נביא(‬ Instead, his identity is unclear and as the meaning of his name implies ("my messenger"), he is portrayed as a heavenly messenger having specific priestly concerns (see Mal 1:6-2:9; 2:17-3:5 in particular).1 2 3 F 124 This is also suggested by the translation of the name Malachi with ἄγγελος in LXX Mal 1:1.Furthermore, the similar headings in Mal 1:1, Zech 9:1 and Zech 12:1 (with the sequence ‫יהוה‬ ‫דבר‬ ‫משא‬ found nowhere else in the HB) have the effect of placing the message of Malachi in the continuation of the last prophecies associated with Zechariah.In this way, the book of Malachi is presented as a supplement consolidating the words of Zechariah.What is more, the final words of the book of Malachi (Mal 3:22-24) are consistent with the conception of prophecy developed in Zech 9-14.They even seem to presuppose it, since the brief announcement of the future return of Elijah, one of the prophets of old, implies that the time of YHWH's prophets has provisionally ceased.1 2 4 F 125 The development of the idea of the end of YHWH's prophets gives great value to past prophetic activity because it presents YHWH's prophecy as a kind of revelation that has a special quality and is limited in time.Such a conception has the effect of accentuating the importance of the preservation, transmission and study of the words of the prophets.1 2 5 F 126 It implicitly brings to the fore the value of writing for the conservation of prophetic revelation and therefore also the significance of the role of the scribes in prophetic transmission.Thus, the conception of an end to the time of YHWH's prophets also has literary implications.It conceptually creates a corpus of prophetic texts with a certain chronological limit.In fact, no text attributed to a prophet who would be later than Zechariah is supposed to be included in this corpus (as noted, Malachi is a special case). 127This limit underlines the particular status and the great authority of the writings attributed to the prophetic figures of the past, and it also gives the prophet Zechariah a special place in the chain of prophetic revelation.
Such an emphasis on the end of a time of authoritative figures, pointing as it does to the value of a literary corpus, is best understood in the context of the cultural developments of the Ptolemaic period. 128At that time, the study of ancient literature increased significantly throughout the Hellenistic world.The Ptolemies sought not only political dominion over the Hellenistic world, but also cultural supremacy as a symbol of their power. 129They gave considerable weight to literary activity and sponsored great scholarly institutions such as the prestigious Musaeum at Alexandria, with its outstanding associated library.There, the systematic collection and evaluation of writings was one of the main scholarly activities.Greek writings attributed to such esteemed authors as Homer were especially significant objects of study.Critical editions and commentaries, catalogues as well as lexicons were produced, giving birth to an extended secondary literature treating texts attributed to prestigious ancient authors (see in particular the works of scholars like Zenodotus, Callimachus, Apollonius of Rhodes, Eratosthenes, Aristophanes of Byzantium, and Aristarchus of Samothrace). 130uch significant cultural developments taking place in the Hellenistic world, and especially at Alexandria, most probably had an impact on the literary production in Judea.It is likely, indeed, that the Judean scribes were aware of Alexandrian scholarly developments, given the special relationship of the Diaspora (particularly in Egypt) to the Jerusalem temple, 131 and also the contacts of the Judean elite with the Ptolemaic administration, especially as the Ptolemies had an expanded administrative apparatus. 132In particular, the Greek translation of the Pentateuch is one of the results of these scholarly developments taking place during the third century B.C.E.As S. Honigman convincingly argued, this translation was probably sponsored by the king for the supplementation of the library of Alexandria. 133Such an initiative was certainly not unknown to the Jerusalem scribes, as the popularity of this translation suggests. 134In addition, some Judean elites were probably also attracted by Greek education, 135 since it was one of the main markers of the ruling class; 136 the book of Qoheleth attests to such an interest. 137n Zech 9-14, the scribal construction of the end of YHWH's prophets is most probably a reflection of the scholarly culture that developed in the Hellenistic world during the Indeed, the search for healing through dreams is a trait of Greek religion which significantly spread in the Hellenistic world.143 Greeks affected by illness could spend the night in a temple in order to receive instructions for a cure or to be immediately healed by a deity during a dream.This practice of therapeutic incubation oracles is well known in relation to the cult of Asclepius at Epidaurus and it is also attested in Ptolemaic Egypt, where it was more specifically associated with the god Serapis, the patron deity of the royal dynasty.144 LXX Zech 10:1-3a appears to polemicize against this Greek practice, and perhaps this polemic was more specially directed against the Ptolemaic dynastic deity.145 In association with the idea of traditions in particular.Interestingly, the production of texts based on native traditions in order to oppose Hellenistic (political as well as cultural) domination appears to have parallels in other regions of the Near East under Hellenistic rule, as the Demotic Chronicle or the Potter's Oracle seem to attest in Egypt.148 By endorsing this ethnocentric position, the Judean scribes seek to secure their own legitimacy and assert their authority in a context of cultural competition.In Zech 9-14, the opposition to Greek culture is expressed through the medium of dystopian images, which are associated with the period following the activity of the prophets of YHWH (see in particular Zech 11:9), and also via criticism of foreign mantic practices, especially related to Greek religion in the textual tradition preserved by the LXX.These negative images depict a time of troubles and confusion that will eventually come to an end with the achievement of the great restoration.

CONCLUSION
Reading these three major themes in Zech 9-14 sociohistorically, and in the context of the book as a whole, I have offered three principal reasons for the expansion of the book of Zechariah with chs.9-14.Crucially, these reasons are related to the rise of Hellenistic domination over Judea.Firstly, the collapse of Persian power, the end of centralized imperial authority over the ancient Near East, and the greater political instability it brought, led to the revision of the restoration scenarios of Zech 1-8 through the addition of dramatic war scenarios involving the Greeks in particular (Zech 9:13).Secondly, socioeconomic changes in Judea brought about by Ptolemaic administrative policies, especially in tax collection, caused the modification of the positive image of the Judean community and its leaders in Zech 1-8 via the motifs of the bad shepherds and the mistreated flock.Thirdly, the emphasis on the study of literary "classics" in the Hellenistic world and the growing influence of Greek culture pushed Judean scribes to advocate the special status and authority of prophetic texts by advancing the conception of classical preexilic prophecy present in Zech 1-8; this was achieved by emphasizing the idea that the time of YHWH's prophets ended after the activity of Zechariah, an idea developed in association with a polemic 148 Cf.J. J. Collins, "Jewish Apocalyptic against Its Hellenistic Near Eastern Environment," BASOR 220 (1975), 27-36; J. Podemann Sørensen, "Native Reactions to Foreign Rule and Culture in Religious Literature," in T. Engberg-Pedersen, L. Hannestad, and J. Zahle (eds.),Ethnicity in Hellenistic Egypt (Studies in Hellenistic Civilization, 3; Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1992), 164-181.Nevertheless, the interpretation of these texts remains a matter of debate; see A.

42
JOURNAL OF HEBREW SCRIPTURES against foreign cultic and mantic practices that can be connected to Greek religion in particular.
By attributing chs.9-14 to the prophet Zechariah, the Judean scribes of the Ptolemaic period integrated within their local traditions the impact of the rise of Hellenistic domination, so as to make sense of their new situation.They reshaped the memory of Zechariah as the last of YHWH's prophets, who during the early Persian period not only announced the restoration of Jerusalem and Judah through the rebuilding of the Jerusalem temple but also forecast the major changes of the period of Hellenistic rule.The use of several dystopian motifs in Zech 9-14, which are absent from Zech 1-8, serves to construct this period as a time of turmoil.At the same time, utopian images of restoration were employed in order to interpret this period as a provisional one, immediately preceding the great intervention of YHWH that will bring the restoration of Jerusalem and Judah to its completion.The contrast between dystopian and utopian depictions creates a radical break between the representations associated with the Hellenistic period and those of the restoration.As such, Zech 9-14 is to be understood mainly as an expression of opposition and criticism by the Jerusalem scribes toward the sociopolitical and cultural transformations taking place in Judea during the early Hellenistic period.This text also functions as a comfort to discontented Judeans by inviting them to live in the expectation of a better reality in the future.
Furthermore, the construction of the figure of Zechariah as the last of YHWH's prophets explains well why it is precisely his book that was expanded with oracles concerning changes in the Hellenistic period.The idea at stake was that the last of YHWH's prophets would foretell the final dramatic events immediately preceding the glorious restoration.Thus, by adapting the oracles of the last prophet of YHWH to the Hellenistic context, the whole prophetic corpus was thus brought up to date.This updating of a large prophetic corpus is probably one of the main reasons why Zech 9-14 borrows more from other prophetic traditions than from Zech 1-8.This analysis increases our understanding of the history of Second Temple Judaism.It shows that tensions with Hellenistic power-at the very least on the ideological level-are not specific to the second century but have their roots in the Ptolemaic period. 149This can also be seen in other texts, for instance the Enochic Book of the Watchers. 150In addition, it brings to the fore the importance of the sociohistorical developments of the Hellenistic period for understanding the 149 In particular, V. Tcherikover has made a similar suggestion on the basis of a historical reading of Josephus' tale of the Tobiads (Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews, 126-134). 150See G. W. E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1.A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1-36; 81-108 (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress  Press, 2001), esp.62-63, 170; A. T. Wright, The Origin of Evil Spirits  (WUNT, 198; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005), 23-50.
ZECHARIAH 9-14 43 last stages in the formation of the Hebrew Bible.At the methodological level, this study points to the relevance of associating a sociohistorical inquiry with literary approaches in the study of prophetic literature, especially difficult texts such as Zech 9-14.
, esp.71-75; B. G. Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road: The Book of Zechariah in Social Location Trajectory Analysis (Academia Biblica, 25; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2006), esp.231-280; A. R. Petterson, Behold Your King: The Hope for the House of David in the Book of Zechariah (LHB/OTS, 513; New York/London: T&T Clark, 2009), esp.2-3; Wenzel, attests to a version of Zechariah that is in general comparable to the Masoretic text.61Thisobservationindicates that the text of Zechariah had already reached a high level of stability early in the second century B.C.E. 62eems reasonable to place the terminus ad quem for the development of Zech 9-14 at the beginning of the second century B.C.E.Thus, even if the latest redaction(s) of Zech 9-Prophetie, esp.73-106;R.Albertz, A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period.Vol.2:From the Exile to the Maccabees (London: SCM Press, 1994), 566-570; Floyd, Minor Prophets, esp.452-457, 508-511; Schmid, Literaturgeschichte des Alten Testaments, 198. 56ehnung des Krieges, esp.371.The passage he considers to be Maccabean is Zech 10:3-11:3.According to him, Zech 9 has been written between 200 and 168 B.C.E.See also, earlier, M. Treves, "Conjectures Concerning the Date and Authorship of Zechariah IX-XIV," VT 13 (1963), 196-207.Qumran Cave 4.X.The Prophets [DJD, XV; Oxford: Clarendon, 1997], 221-223).See also the date of the manuscript 4QXII b around 150-125 B.C.E.(ibid., 233); however, none of its recovered fragments display passages from Zech 9-14.59It is surprising that, despite the proximity of his date for Zech 9-10 to the date of 4QXII a , Kunz (Ablehnung des Krieges) does not discuss this Qumran manuscript at all.La Bible grecque des Septante.Du Judaïsme hellénistique au Christianisme ancien (Paris: Cerf/ Editions du C.N.R.S., 1988), 83-111.61Ofcourse,therearedifferences between the MT and LXX of Zechariah but the general content and structure are parallel, contrary to other books of the Hebrew Bible such as Jeremiah, Esther or Daniel.This closeness makes it difficult to speak of a different literary edition that would be reflected in the LXX of Zechariah; cf.M. Casevitz, C. Dogniez, and M. Harl, La Bible d'Alexandrie.Les douze prophètes(10-11): Aggée, Zacharie(Paris: Cerf, 2007), 115-116.